Alternative
Economics, Alternative Societies, Alternative Art Practices
Anna Liv Ahlstrand: In what way do you consider yourself
a political actor; do you call yourself an activist and your
actions artistic activism?
Oliver Ressler: All of my projects are political to some
extent. They are realized in public spaces, as theme-specific
installations in exhibitions, or as videos. Considering these
different formats, it is clear that the projects function
in different ways, are being realized for different viewers,
and cause different reactions. Some of my works are closely
related to activism, for example the video This is what democracy
looks like! (38 min, 2002), which I created as a participant
in a counter-globalization demonstration, or the video Disobbedienti
(54 min, 2002) featuring the Italian activist movement. But
there are other projects which have no relation to activism.
I call myself an artist rather than an activist, because I
see myself more as an artist who realizes some of his work
in relation to activism than an activist with a background
as an artist.
A.A.: Why have you chosen to focus on economic power structures?
How does the project "Alternative Economics, Alternative
Societies" relate to your earlier work?
O.R.: The first project I worked on in relation to economy
was a series of exhibitions called "The global 500,"
which started in 1999. It was based on research on the protagonists
of economic globalization, the 500 largest transnational corporations.
This work could be described as a kind of analysis and criticism
of hegemonic economics in the context of an exhibition. Later,
I focused more on the resistance against capitalism and made
the two videos mentioned. From this point on, it became the
next logical step in my artistic practice to focus on concepts
and models for alternatives that share a rejection of the
capitalist system of rule. This topic is characterized through
its absence in so many theoretical descriptions about the
capitalist economy, which made it even more interesting for
me to initiate my own research - which is being presented
as the ongoing exhibition project "Alternative Economics,
Alternative Societies." I think it is absolutely crucial
to concentrate on alternatives at a time when the neoliberal
slogan "there is no alternative" still dominates.
A.A.: What are your own ideas about democracy and alternative
economies and societies? How do you view social change and
societies' development into hierarchical power structures?
O.R.: For me, there are some basic principles that have to
be fulfilled in an ideal future society: It has to be a real,
direct democracy, and not this fake democracy we are forced
to live in today. Basic needs of every person have to be satisfied,
for example through a living wage. Enterprises should be organized
through self-management by the people working in them. The
power structures of state and private capital, etc., have
to be dismantled. I am not sure how a society based on such
principles could be best achieved and organized... I am very
attached to the Zapatist concept of "asking we walk"
("preguntando caminamos"). With "asking we
walk" one's own practice is analyzed while one carves
out a new path that has not been determined from the outset.
This principle is also mirrored in the conceptual framework
of "Alternative Economics, Alternative Societies,"
as this project involves ongoing research for an ongoing project,
and I do not know where it will lead to in upcoming years.
A.A.: What are your goals and intentions with the project?
How could it expand?
Can you believe in utopia today?
O.R.: The intention of the project is simply to provide people
with ideas, on which a society better than the existing one
might be based. Such a society should not be achieved through
a kind of master-plan that some small elite has in mind. It
should be a large process based on broad dialogue, involving
as many people as possible. It has to be a kind of open, transparent,
bottom-up policy development process. In one of the videos
I realized for "Alternative Economics, Alternative Societies,"
the German writer Christoph Spehr points out that utopian
thinking today does not have to be prescriptive in the sense
that it dictates what to do. I am very much in favor of developing
a society along such non-prescriptive lines. You still might
call such a society utopian, but it would be very different
from the kind of utopias we have experienced in the past.
Within the framework of "Alternative Economics, Alternative
Societies," theoretical concepts of alternative economics
and societies, historical models which might be worth considering,
and some more utopian or literary concepts are presented as
20- to 37-minute long videos. For the future I would be interested
in expanding this pool of videos through some currently existing
examples of alternative models, which can, for example, be
found in regions in South America. Some of the project's videos
also discuss strategies and ideas for transition, how to get
from here to there.
A.A.: How do you want to position your viewer?
O.R.: Within the exhibition "Alternative Economics,
Alternative Societies," the viewer normally starts to
walk around in the exhibition space reading the adhesive film
lettering stuck to the floor. These texts are quotes from
the videos, which are being presented on separate monitors
in different parts of the exhibition space. The videos are
presented non-hierarchically in the exhibition, and the several-meter-long
floor texts lead the visitor directly towards the video from
where the quote is taken. So a visitor normally starts to
watch a video that he or she thinks might be interesting after
having read the quote. Some people spend over two hours in
the exhibition and watch all the videos, others watch maybe
ten minutes of one video and a few minutes of another and
pick out those ideas they feel are worth considering, think
about them, maybe talk to other people in the exhibition,
combine them with one another or with ideas they already had
in mind.
A.A.: Where can art be effective? Do you think political
art has the potential to really change social debate and the
political system?
O.R.: The discussion about social and economic alternatives
is marginalized not only by the dominant media, but by left
oppositions in parliaments, by the majority of NGOs, by most
theorists and philosophers, and even by large segments of
the counter-globalization movement. Nowadays, almost everybody
knows the disastrous effects capitalism has and that it means
death to millions of people in the South each year, but we
are all still struggling to survive within this system, to
gain small advantages. Through our activities we keep this
system alive - because perspectives for alternatives are not
really known and considered. Through this work, I am attempting
to take a few small steps. I do some research into models
of economic and social alternatives, and make this research
available through the videos I create, which are being added
to this pool of information in the ongoing exhibition series.
I am using the space of art to make this research and information
accessible to some people, because I have the feeling that
art is one of the areas in which it is still possible to address
critical issues. Very often art itself is considered a form
of utopian thinking. But not many artists commit their work
to political, social, and economic utopian thinking, which
seems to me to be of major importance nowadays. I am simply
taking a few steps, and hope a couple of people will be inspired
by my work.
A.A.: Do you think it is possible to change economic reality?
O.R.: Attempts to change economic reality can already be
seen today. After the breakdown of the neoliberal economy
in Argentina, wide segments of the Argentinean population
tried to change existing political conditions. They organized
in neighborhood assemblies, practiced mass "proletarian
shopping," occupied factories and enterprises, which
were collectivized and run by the workers on their own. Currently,
we have an interesting situation in Venezuela, where the left-wing
government in office supports a process of democratization
of the economy and the whole society. Of course such tendencies
are confronted with many difficulties. There are boycotts
and the U.S. even supported a coup by the right-wing opposition
in Venezuela against the democratically elected government.
But at least we see that alternatives to neoliberal capitalism
are possible, and at the same time we also see that they are
being oppressed by global capital, by European states, and
the U.S. So this is why it is extremely important that the
radical political opposition in the centers of capital gains
power against the political elites. If over the period of
several years such a process of resistance is successful,
a change in economic realities could at least become imaginable.
A.A.: Do you think art can work as an intermediary and creative
power to change society and people?
O.R.: Sure, sometimes it can work. Art can be a very successful
means in specific situations. Remember, for example, the poster
campaigns artists and artistic collectives realized within
the Act-up movement in the 1980s in the U.S., which raised
public awareness for the Aids epidemic and urged the conservative
U.S. administration to change their politics of ignoring the
Aids crisis. But Act-up is also an example which shows that
art can succeed in gaining larger influence only in collaboration
with other social groups. In many of these socially motivated
collaborations the necessity to define the activities as "art"
is not so strong. People from different backgrounds simply
spend some time together and get something done.
A.A.: Could there be a risk of losing power by acting as
art?
O.R.: In our society a kind of art dominates, which, in its
more interesting cases through its structure and hidden references,
is difficult to understand, and in the worst cases tries to
fulfill needs of beauty, entertainment, or simply to function
as a symbol of representation of those in power. It is quite
clear that these functions have a huge influence on the predominate
image of "art."
But the term "art" is also used for a much smaller
percentage of art practices, which deal with and intervene
in the political and social realm and have little to do with
being a status symbol for a rich, self-proclaimed elite. In
such a situation, it can be very important for strategic reasons
to emphasize the fact that politically engaged art is also
art, in order that the definitional power of what art is,
is not left exclusively to commercial galleries and the art
market. The last two Documentas were very important also because
they presented political art as "art" that is important
to a large audience.
The strategies I develop in my work differ from project to
project, because each work normally provides a different strategy.
I am interested in transferring issues from the real political
space to the symbol-political space, and maybe back again.
Working on theme-specific projects like this, I think it is
extremely important to realize the projects in a way that
they can be read and understood not only by experts of contemporary
art, but also by a broader public, to counter the isolationist
tendencies of the art field. But it depends on the context:
Whereas in one context it might be important for me to emphasize
the fact that my work is art, in another context, for example
when working in public inner-city spaces, it might be necessary
to realize work which also functions under the condition that
people are not aware of the fact that what they see is art.
This interview was carried out by Anna Liv Ahlstrand for the
Swedish magazine Hjärnstorm.
Upcoming exhibitions of "Alternative Economics, Alternative
Societies" will take place at the O.K - Center for Contemporary
Art in Linz (A) and at the Wyspa Progress Foundation in Gdansk
(PL).
Information on Oliver Ressler's projects can be found at www.ressler.at
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